Dial E for Endarkenment
With all the touhoubou about Christopher Hitchens's new book, (I've read the advanced reader's copy, it is even more purile than Dawkins or Harris, and that is saying something), I thought that I would repost a Usenet reply to an article that Billy Beck linked back in 1999 that deals with part of Hitchens's intellectual pathologies:
REASON * January 1999
Dark Bedfellows
Postmoderns and traditionalists unite against the Enlightenment
By Walter Olson
If you think you've sorted out your scorecard in the culture
wars, try guessing who wrote this obituary for the Enlightenment,
circa 1992: "The claims of universal reason are [now] universally
suspect. Hopes for a system of values that would transcend the
particularism of class, nationality, religion and race no longer
carry much conviction. The Enlightenment's reason and morality
are increasingly seen as a cover for power, and the prospect that
the world can be governed by reason seems more remote than at any
time since the eighteenth century."
On the face of it, this is a fairly standard exercise in academic
postmodernism. There's the reason-is-dead theme; the announcement
of the failure of the "Enlightenment project"; the typical
deconstructionist swipe at the use of reason as a "cover for
power"; and the multiculturalist view of all value systems as
contingent on such matters as class and race. Throw in
"phallologocentric hegemony," and the parody would be complete.
And yet this quote appeared not in a pomo academic journal like
Social Text (of Sokal hoax fame) but in the orthodox Catholic New
Oxford Review. Its author was the late Christopher Lasch, a
social theorist (The Culture of Narcissism, The Revolt of the
Elites) who has a large following among many of the very sorts of
people--center-left communitarians, Strauss-influenced
conservatives--who consider themselves immune to trendy downtown
ideology.
If, unlike Lasch, you think reason hasn't been discredited; that
some institutions (such as free speech and private property) can
be prescribed universally; and that moral reasoning, while at
times a cover for the illegitimate workings of power, is in the
end the best hope for overturning them, then you may be feeling a
mite lonely. Hardly anyone is defending the Enlightenment these
days, while across the political spectrum it seems most heavy
duty thinkers can't stand it
I can stand it (heavy duty or not) and most other individuals who are
familiar with historical development can stand it. What they can't stand is
the pathetic "temporal ethnocentrism" involved in yearning for a false
Arcadian Eden that needs to be "returned to," if only in spirit.
Olson's entire essay treats the "Enlightenment" period as though it were
both easily demarked and -intrinsically rational-, which I find to be
hilariously wrong-headed and productive of exactly the kind of backlash he
snivels about.
The arrows land from every direction. Environmentalists, notes
The Economist, chide the Enlightenment for launching a "western
Promethean conception of human relations with the earth." "Racism
and enlightenment are the same thing," adds one of the critical
race theorists quoted by Daniel Farber and Suzanna Sherry in
Beyond All Reason: The Radical Assault on Truth in American Law
(1997), while Colorado law professor Richard Delgado suggests:
"If you are black or Mexican, you should flee Enlightenment-based
democracies like mad, assuming you have any choice" (never mind
that, as it happens, the actual migration seems to run in the
opposite direction). On the right, Roger Scruton in City Journal
finds and expresses unease about a "growing tendency" among
American conservatives to turn against the Enlightenment as well.
Schematizations of "race" do indeed come out of the Enlightenment, as a
part of the stereotypical "passion for order" that the period is said to
embody. Race as a standard of judgement for superiority or inferiority is,
however, more of a 19th century phenomenon. In any case, it is only a
reification of the very ethnocentrism that the "cultural studies" gits
promote anyway, so they shouldn't be upset by it.
This, however, is not what Olson is concerned about. He wants them to be
"Miniver Cheevys" about the Enlightenment, and is just upset that they
don't like his pet era as much as he does.
So what is it, exactly, that's so upsetting to these people about
the period when the lights came on in Western culture
Perhaps because calling it "the period when the lights came on in Western
culture," is not only a gross over-simplification, but patently false to
boot!
The Enlightenment, writes Edward O. Wilson in Consilience, is
"the West's greatest contribution to civilization. It launched
the modern era." In a fierce, hot blast of invention, intellect,
and enterprise--the period can conveniently be dated to the
century between 1687, when Isaac Newton published his Principia,
and 1787, when the U.S. Constitution was devised--Europe and
America forged not only the modern scientific method but also
modernist thinking about metaphysics and morality, government,
and society.
A few simple but sweeping propositions emerged. The universe is
governed by fixed, objective, and impersonal laws, in principle
discoverable by the exercise of human reason, experience, and
observation. Traditions, customs, and claims of revelation cannot
expect to be permanently insulated from such rational scrutiny,
and, while no part of humanity's complex inheritance should
lightly be discarded, beliefs and practices that prove squarely
inconsistent with reason and experience ought eventually to yield
ground
The actual fact of the matter is quite different. The Enlightenment
thinkers found that this attitude tended to corrode moral, ethical and
even rational principles that they wished to hold onto, thus their
timorous adherence to a "disinterested" Universal Architect. (Becker,
46-70) What Wilson, and by inference the author, is tapping into is a
discredited approach to historiography known as the "Whig theory of
History." In the "Whig Theory," science (starting in the Renaissance)
sees an upward procession from success to success, all the way being
thwarted by the forces of reaction (headed by religion). (Kearney, 15-22)
In actual point of fact, it was the "evil old Middle Ages" that saw the
beginning and development of the sustained fusion of technology and
science that fueled Western development. (Goldstein, 199) It is also the
case that resistence to change came as much from the "scientific
establishment" and its jealousy and inertia of its membership as from
organized religious opposition.
As a historian of science, Wilson's a fine biologist, but at least he's no
Dawkins or Sagan and that's saying something.
By challenging the intellectual authority of the church, the
Enlightenment made its first set of durable enemies; it soon went
on to anger the throne as well, by systematizing the idea of
individual rights and adding what historian Isaac Kramnick calls
the "explosive" proposition that the individual had a morally
legitimate right to pursue happiness. "Enlightenment liberalism
set the individual free politically, intellectually, and
economically," writes Kramnick in his introduction to the Viking
Portable Enlightenment Reader.
Yep, right for enlightened despotism.
Derided by some for their abundant confidence in Progress writ
large, Enlightenment thinkers also believed in progress writ
small, in the form of personal self-cultivation. The emergent
Enlightenment man might be at once a man of affairs, a scientist,
and an agitator: Condorcet was a mathematician, Locke a
physician, Jefferson an agronomist and architect. Self
cultivation would enable an obscure provincial to shed his
hometown prejudices and become a sophisticate, a "citizen of the
world" accepting the best productions and ideas of all lands.
Well then, Boethius was an ignorant clodhopper, Aquinas thought the world
ended at Rome, and we won't even mention Buridan and Oresme.
The multi-talented universal genius was not the sole product of the
Enlightenment, and in fact he became pretty much extinct at the era's
close. The specialization of knowledge favored in this period, which (by
the principles of division of labor) greatly expanded the total sum of
knowledge, also had the result of making an exhaustive knowledge of several
disciplines by one individual quite impractical.
No citizen was more worldly than businessman-diplomat-inventor
Ben Franklin, who "seized fire from the heavens and the scepter
from the tyrant's hand," and who, after rendering due service to
his Philadelphia neighbors, went on to be fussed over in Paris
salons. Assailed during his life as a libertine and infidel,
Franklin was one of history's most persuasive moralists, Poor
Richard's Almanac having inculcated more sound conduct than all
the works of the Puritan Fathers.
While on the subject, there's no doubt which country best
embodied Enlightenment ideals: the United States. "An asylum
against fanaticism and tyranny" (Diderot), America achieved with
its Constitution the highest proof of the practical uses of
speculative philosophy. Known as the land of the "self-made man"
-a concept Kramnick sees as closely related to that of the
Enlightenment man--America was also the land of individual rights
and, before long, of science. Even the great exception in the
American scheme of freedom, the tenacious existence of slavery in
the South, was destined to be eroded at last by the free exercise
of moral reasoning
That's strange, I thought it was "eroded" by men with great big guns. What a pathetic wowser!
To be sure, Enlightenment thinking generated its own fads, blind
spots, and excesses, especially in undervaluing long-evolved
traditions and overrating the prospects for redesigning basic
institutions from scratch; these richly deserved their later
correction by such figures as Burke and Hayek. And it got widely
blamed for the French Revolution's horrors--although, since the
philosophes themselves got purged fairly early in the game, the
exercise might seem a bit like blaming Kerensky for Leninism.
Still, the criticism stuck and the lessons were fairly learned:
Edinburgh and not just Paris came to set the tone, and few people
any more wish to rename the months
Actually, it was the natural philosophers (i.e. scientists) who got the
dandruff cure, and the French Revolution's excesses can hardly be excused
as not being of its era if we hold it to the same standards that Olson et.
al. implicitly put on the "Dark" and "Middle" Ages.
But it's one thing to trim the hedge and another to hack at its
roots. Today's diverse opponents of the Enlightenment seem to be
attempting just that, in ways that often converge curiously with
each other:
Cut science down to size. A key tenet of the postmodern study of
science, according to Noretta Koertge's introduction to the new
essay collection A House Built on Sand, is that the field needs
to have its claims to objectivity deflated: "Science must be
`humbled.'" Echo on the right: Paul Johnson, whose London
Spectator column has a distinctly crankier streak than the
doorstop histories he ships across the Atlantic, now rails
against "scientific triumphalists" and names, as the chief menace
to be fought in the new century, "Darwinian fundamentalists.
Yep, exercise reason, except when reason tells you that someone's spewing
bunkum. Johnson, Olson, and the postmodernists *deserve* each other.
Deride the "self-made man." Lasch and other antimodernist critics
decry, as the defining act of the deracinated modern, the flight
into "choice" and away from a dense matrix of local associations.
So they tend to belittle--as "self-inventing," "narcissistic," or
worse--anyone who, in Virginia Postrel's phrase, turns his back
on the old neighborhood with a mind to seek new challenges and
associates in a place of his own choosing. Likewise, where
identity politics holds sway, the young person who defects from a
particularist subculture into the wider generic American culture
can expect similar abuse, even if the epithets differ ("sellout,"
"assimilationist," "Oreo").
Or, for those who do not buy into the mythology of the Enlightenment that
Olson spews, "reactionary," "irrationalist," etc. I follow facts, not
teary-beery garbage like the above, -from either side.-
Stop the globalization of culture. The borrowing of Western
culture by poor countries would have thrilled the philosophes; it
appalls equally Lasch and the conservative philosopher John Gray,
who see it as an assault by generic modernism on traditional and
authentic forms of community. The 60s-era campus left was more
straightforward about what it was fighting: "Western
imperialism.
So, instead, Olson wants to join Lasch and Gray in their -actions- in
stomping down other false garbage into the throats of poor countries.
Trash the concept of tolerance. Thirty years ago it was Herbert
Marcuse who unmasked the idea of "tolerance" as a tool of
repression by the elite. Now social conservatives, from Harvey
Mansfield to Robert Knight in The Age of Consent, have learned
the deconstructionist dance steps. (Mansfield: "Toleration is not
neutral....If we don't keep up the standard of morality we will
bring it down.")
And toleration *is* "neutral?"
Is toleration "neutral" *for you*?
Gee, for me toleration always meant respecting the right of men and women
to "differ or be wrong," insofar as it did not impinge on the person,
property or freedoms of others. Toleration only works if we legitimately
and objectively recognize differences, without unjustly stigmatizing them.
That's not "neutral." It's precisely because of Olson's boneheadedness that
we now have a rebound of irrationality in the other direction.
The gradual convergence of antirationalists on the right with
their pomo Doppelgängers may have sped up a little in February
1994, when First Things published--I am not making this up--a
piece with warmly appreciative things to say about Michel
Foucault. Rising traditionalist thinker J. Bottum, who's now
books editor of The Weekly Standard, praised the Frenchman's
insights and noted a "curious parallel" between the work of left-
wing icons Foucault, Jacques Derrida, and Frederic Jameson and
that of such medieval thinkers as Eckhart, Cusa, and St.
Bonaventure: "What believers have in common with postmoderns is a
distrust of modern claims to knowledge." He proposed exploring
common ground toward the joint goal of overthrowing the modern
temperament, with its "scientific" and "technological" bent. He
admitted the two camps still "disagree on whether God exists,"
but figured that little problem can be worked out after the
rationalists are driven from the field
Well;
A) Bottum is loaded with a great deal of garbage if he thinks that
Bonaventure, at least, did not make an appeal to objective knowledge about
the world in order to establish the existence of God. In fact, Bonaventure
was the principle defender of the Kalam Cosmological Argument for the
existence of God, which presupposes the validity of our experience of time
and the world. (See the URL below for more details).
B) This attitude evinces a contempt for the Medieval heritage that produced
Western science and technology. Bottum is telling us to despise the people
he claims to love.
Letters published in First Things since then confirm that other
readers have been thinking along similar lines. Thus Susan Mennel
of the University of New Hampshire salutes the "postmodern denial
of the possibility of objective, neutral knowledge" since it
"means that the appeal to some kind of objective `proof' is
itself ruled out, and therefore religious arguments, which have
never relied on such a standard, can be far more intellectually
convincing to a contemporary audience than to earlier ones more
assured of the validity of naturalistic explanation.
Ms. Mennel's education apparently does not extend to the concept of -a
posteriori- demonstrations and the Thomistic proofs. 'Nuff said. :-<
By now, some explicit and vocal defenses of the Enlightenment
might seem in order--and in fact they are turning up here and
there, as in Wilson's Consilience. Also among those pursuing the
issue are some of the followers of Ayn Rand, the Enlightenment
lineage of whose general position is plain enough. In October the
Institute for Objectivist Studies, which has been moving lately
to engage a wider intellectual audience and shed the sectarian
tone often associated with Rand circles, held its annual
conference in New York on the theme "The Real Culture Wars: The
Enlightenment and Its Enemies." IOS Executive Director David
Kelley suggests one productive step might be to stop describing
the culture wars as mostly a left-right squabble when in fact at
least three distinct cultures are contending with each other: the
Enlightenment culture that still holds sway in much of American
life, a postmodern/relativist culture with a stronghold in the
universities, and a pre-Enlightenment culture that has never
given up its claims to authority and is staging something of a
comeback
And there's a fourth, those who are interested in historical truth and not
in scoring polemical points for an ideology by twisting history.
Who is likely to rally to the Enlightenment banner? Among the
obvious candidates are scientists and technologists, who know
from their daily experience that the material facts of reality
cannot be arbitrarily redefined at will. (In Wilson's wry
version: "Scientists, held responsible for what they say, have
not found postmodernism useful.") Businesspeople as well, says
Kelley, instinctively share the Enlightenment outlook, what with
their common-sense grasp of material reality, their optimistic
assumption that problems exist to be solved, their knowledge that
scientific facts count, and the high value they place on
individual achievement as something that deserves direct reward.
Another likely science-based flashpoint, Kelley believes, is
today's rapid spread of anti-evolutionist ideas. Confined until
only recently to a few beachheads like Tom Bethell's American
Spectator column and David Klinghoffer's back-of-the-book in
National Review, critiques of Darwinism are now the rage across
the conservative press, even in places like Commentary and The
Wall Street Journal. More--much more--friction on this issue
appears to lie ahead. According to the newsletter of the Seattle
based Discovery Institute, California's Ahmanson family, through
its Fieldstead & Co. foundation, has donated $1.5 million to the
institute's fledgling Center for the Renewal of Science and
Culture for a research and publicity program to "unseat not just
Darwinism but also Darwinism's cultural legacy." Observing that
"the most severe challenge to theology over the last two hundred
years has been naturalism," the center proposes to "cure western
culture of this unfortunate Enlightenment hangover.
Why shouldn't criticism of an idea or theory have a hearing? Hmm, it
seems like "tolerance" goes into the dumper as soon as it's inconvienient
for Mr. Olson. How quaint, but then how like an "Enlightenment hypocrite."
This is also ironic in view of his "special creation" view of the
Enlightenment, as opposed to a factual recognition of the evolution of the
notions of freedom, science and technology that the historical record
reveals.
Ben Franklin once said he was almost sorry he was born so soon
since it meant he would not have "the happiness of knowing what
will be known 100 years hence." Two centuries later, amid the
undreamt-of levels of health and comfort that science has brought
the West, a generation of intellectuals amuses itself in efforts
to gnaw away at the Enlightenment foundations of the enterprise.
Were he hooked to an underground turbine, Ben Franklin might be
discovering a new way to generate electricity: spinning in his
grave.
To give him credit, I think that old Ben would spin a bit, if only because
Olson chooses to worship an era rather than respect the work of certain
-individuals- of that time who advanced ideas which came to them from the
past, and who added their own to the mix.
For enlightenment and reason...
against "The Enlightenment" and "(R)eason," I remain,
E. Brown
Works Cited:
Becker, Carl F. THE HEAVENLY CITY OF THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY PHILOSOPHERS.
New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1932.
Goldstein, Thomas. DAWN OF MODERN SCIENCE. Foreward by Isaac Asimov.
American Heritage Library edition. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co.,
1988).
Kearney, Hugh. SCIENCE AND CHANGE 1500-1700. World University Library. (New
York, Toronto: Mc Graw-Hill, 1971)
